Place attachment in a changed (cultural) landscape: using visual methods to discuss complicated matters, by Alyne E. Delaney

This is the third part in the JAWS online series of Reflections on Tōhoku

 

For many of us, images of the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake (3.11) on coastal Japan—both broadcast live at the time, and subsequently—are seared in our minds; the sights of tsunami waves overrunning seawalls and neighborhoods, and the subsequent massive, coastal construction projects. As an anthropologist with a long history of living and working in coastal Miyagi, I have a personal interest in these changes. Even today, I have a visceral reaction to the massive seawalls that block views of the sea, disrupt human interactions with the coast, and interrupt coastal ecologies. The landscape changes found in these coastal areas today, however, go beyond the building of seawalls and also include the raising of land and flattening of hills and mountains. Witnessing these changes led me to ask myself, “what do these changes mean, if anything, for coastal residents and their culture?” Experiencing an informant crying in an interview as she described the change of scenery from the home she had lived in since birth led me to believe, “possibly, quite a bit.”

View of the same area from the sea in 2000 (left), the landside in 2011 (center), and in 2017 (right). Source: Alyne Delaney

 

This essay presents some of my on-going research on landscape change through the lens of place attachment, and I describe some different research methods for tackling what can be a difficult subject. We know that culture develops over time through humans’ interactions with their local environment and can include coevolution (Geertz, 1963). For residents of coastal communities, their environment includes their local land and seascapes, as well as the coastal and ocean waters within which they fish upon and interact. With attachment, people feel connected, often unconsciously, with a place and acquire a sense of identity from living there (Cross et al., 2011). When thinking of disaster contexts, place attachment can be important for community resilience (Berkes and Ross, 2013). Yet changes in the local landscape and society, which include social aspects of place (Masterson et al.,  2017) in addition to the landscape, can lead to strong reactions, emotional stress (Jacquet and Stedman, 2014) and anomie. Change over time is inevitable – and natural, as numerous informants have mentioned to me. The scale and means of change, however, can be surprising. The great change wrought on the scenes of coastal Pacific Tohoku, has come not so much from nature, but from government policies put in place in response to the tsunami.

(L) Example of the technology used to flatten and move mountains (2013). Source: Alyne Delaney
(R) The new “Wildvine Hill” neighborhood, after flattening the mountain (2017). Source: City newsletter, UR PRESS Vol.48 March 2017.

 

My starting point into research on landscape and place attachment, began with this idea of “scenery”. Many wives of the nori (seaweed) fishermen I spoke with talked about how NOT being able to see the sea made them feel “uneasy” (fuan). They highlighted how seeing the sea not only makes it safer for seeing the coming weather and “sea conditions”, but also how seeing the sea helps them feel safe (anshin). The change in landscape, though most noticeable to an outsider through seawalls, is also seen through the designation of hazard zones and the raising and flattening of land and mountains. Throughout the Tohoku Pacific coast, former neighborhoods clustered around small ports and along coastlines, have disappeared under tons of dirt, asphalt, and pine plantations, the latter now relegated to serving as “green spaces”.

Research into these topics began with the standard of anthropological research: the qualitative, ethnographic interview. In this case, open-ended interviewing on innovation post-3.11 with a women’s gardening group brought up, quite forcefully, the impact of landscape change on residents. One local woman (60s) was speaking about her new volunteer activities and, when I asked in 2019 about some of the change she experienced as a result of 3.11, expecting to hear more about her group activities, I was startled to see her start to cry. As she described, “the mountain I saw my entire life is gone… they built ‘New Wildvine’ atop ‘Wildvine Hill’ … From my childhood, I always saw the mountain from my house.”

An aerial view of the flattened mountain, prepared for new housing. Both the fore- and
background areas have been flattened from a previously forested mountain.
Source: City newsletter, UR PRESS Vol.48 March 2017

A view of the new construction, with some evidence of a former hill.
Source: Townphoto.net. June 2017

She added later that it was a good decision by the city hall to flatten the mountain to provide housing for misplaced locals, but she didn’t realize its importance to her personally, until it was gone.

The post-3.11 community garden where the interviews, which first uncovered
the importance of landscape and place attachment, took place.
Source: Alyne Delaney

 

Much of people’s connection to the coastal landscape is experienced visually, as the example above, but it can also include other senses. Another woman related, “when I was in the emergency shelter, I couldn’t sleep well.” She attributed it to the noise and uncomfortable surroundings, but “after I returned home, I slept very well… I could hear the [ocean] waves. I could sleep well again because I could hear the waves. Until then, I did not understand the connection” (fieldnotes, November 2019). This made me wonder about her former neighbors, now in apartments away from their coastal homes, and how have they adjusted to no longer being able to hear the waves.

During another interview, I pulled out photos I had taken from the front of a home, overlooking a new “green space”, seawall, and ocean. One photo was from before 3.11, the others (2011, 2013-2015, 2018, 2019) were from after. While viewing the photos, she kept commenting on how she had forgotten how much things had changed (during the recovery stage). This reminded me of the importance of prompts such as these photos and I began to contemplate other methods of data collection.

In late 2019, with two British researchers also interested in coastal change, I set up a pilot focus group in my long-term field site. We decided on a two-day workshop which would combine photos, maps, group discussions, and a walking tour. As a pilot workshop, it had its limitations, particularly with the age and gender split of participants (almost all were retired; only 2 men attended), but it was a good experience in teasing out people’s views. We expected a difference according to native and “newcomers”, which we found, but it was subtle. Natives – participants born and raised in the community – tended to speak of their connections to the sea and coast through activities related to the fishing industry, while newcomers (all at least 20 years resident in the area) spoke of the coast as being a nice place to live and showed appreciation for readily available good seafood. Thus, both groups appreciated the natural environment but spoke of it in different terms.

Day one of the Place Attachment workshop. Source: Alyne Delaney

 

The workshop began with self-introductions and the explanation of what the research was about. We then dove into our themes of “relationships with the sea”, “living with the sea”, and “coastal” defenses”, asking about differences between pre- and post-3.11. During discussions, large maps were pulled out for them to locate places they were speaking about and to help them emphasize certain points. We also had large A4 size photos, but these weren’t utilized much until the second day. For relationship with the “land/seacape” there was a lot of discussion on how society had changed over the years, even before 3.11 with fewer people working in the fisheries. An interesting point was how they believed 3.11 significantly changed families, as many multi-generational households were broken up, with the younger, nuclear families moving to apartments outside of town and the older grandparents staying in temporary housing in town. For “living with the sea”, we found there was a sense of “feeling of resilience” from the community, and that this is their life – they were confident that the tsunami had not influenced how people feel about remaining near the coast. For “perceptions of coastal defenses” there was a general sense of safety, though several mentioned the negative impacts it had on fishers.

Day two: A walking tour atop the seawall, 2019. Source: Alyne Delaney

 

Day two was the walking tour. These same participants returned to show us the areas they had talked about the day before. They were led by a local district leader who also talked about some of the history. As people came upon certain areas, they spontaneously described memories from their childhood, explained changes, reached for the photos to show some of the changes visually, and also spoke about how some of these differences made them feel. There was also a fair amount of discussion among participants about how much had changed due to 3.11, and how much change was actually a part of an on-going societal shift. In particular, participants (in their 60s) talked about their own childhoods and how they played and interacted with the local nature, while such “free play” activities seem to lessen with each succeeding generation.

Views of the workshop community from the sea, 2000. Source: Alyne Delaney

Views of the workshop community, 2021. Source: Alyne Delaney

 

We were heartened by participants’ positive responses to the workshop, and we were gearing up for more when the COVID-19 pandemic hit. We plan for more, however, when conditions allow. This research will provide us with an understanding of the impacts of disaster-impacted change on local communities and cultures. We also hope it can point to the consideration of the importance of landscape and culture when considering planning such as for disaster risk reduction and resilience. Combining these results with other studies, such as Tashiro et al. (2021) who talk about worsened psychological outcomes among those living near hard structure seawalls, can help inform an agenda for “post-disaster life and living”, not just “survival, post-disaster.”

 

Acknowledgements
Pilot research took place under an ESRC UKRI project “The Political Ecology of Coastal Societies” co-hosted by the University of Aberdeen and Tohoku University. Dr. Emma McKinley (Cardiff University) and Dr. Tavis Potts (University of Aberdeen) showed interest in my work on “post-3.11 community life with seawalls” and so we conducted the first pilot workshop together. We would like to thank the participants for their interest in the project thus far, and look forward to future workshops.

Alyne E. Delaney
Center for Northeast Asian Studies
Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan
alyne.delaney@tohoku.ac.jp

 

References

Berkes, F., and H. Ross (2013) Community resilience: toward an integrated approach. Society and Natural Resources 26(1):5-20.http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2012.736605

City Newsletter (2017)  “Come and see the “now” of reconstruction!”  UR PRESS Vol.48.

Cross, J.E., Keske, C.M., Lacy, M.G., Hoag, D.L. and Bastian, C.T. (2011) Adoption of conservation easements among agricultural landowners in Colorado and Wyoming: The role of economic dependence and sense of place. Landscape and Urban Planning, 101(1), pp.75-83.

Geertz, C. (1963) Agricultural Involution. University of California Press, Berkeley.

Jacquet, J. B., and R. C. Stedman (2013) Perceived impacts from wind farm and natural gas development in northern Pennsylvania. Rural Sociology 78(4):450-472.

Masterson, V. A., R. C. Stedman, J. Enqvist, M. Tengö, M. Giusti, D. Wahl, and U. Svedin (2017) The contribution of sense of place to social-ecological systems research: a review and research agenda. Ecology and Society 22(1):49.

Tashiro, A., Nakaya, T., Nagata, S., & Aida, J. (2021) Types of coastlines and the evacuees’ mental health: A repeated cross-sectional study in Northeast Japan. Environmental research 196, 110372.

Between debris and memorial: The meaning of disaster-affected objects for local residents in the recovery process of the Great East Japan Earthquake by Julia Gerster, Kohei Takahara, Yuki Sadaike, Akiko Okubori

This piece is the second part in the JAWS online series of Reflections from Tōhoku   How do local residents think about ten years of ongoing reconstruction and recovery in their hometowns? How do they connect to memories of life before the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, Tsunami and Nuclear Disaster, commonly known as “3.11”, … Read more

Washed away: A change of the image of sacred territory after 3.11. The case of Shōtokuji’s Nagare-Jizō by Aliise Donnere

This piece is the first part of the JAWS online series of Reflections from Tōhoku   Many temples and sanctuaries in Tōhoku region were damaged or completely destroyed during the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami. After rebuilding the temples, many priests had to decide if they wanted something in the temple’s territory that would remind … Read more

JAWS online series of Reflection on Tōhoku

 

 

Ten Years of Tōhoku’s ‘post-disaster’

 

There were over 400 environmental disturbances in 2020 that led to loss of human life, habitat or infrastructure, with the majority of these events taking place in the Asia Pacific region (Statista 2021). This is nearly a hundred more environmental events compared to two decades ago, with climate change, population growth and urbanisation impacting where and how these events occur. Disasters are therefore increasingly becoming a reoccurring threat to a growing number of communities, affecting not only their immediate conditions and survival, but long-term trajectories as well. When the Great East Japan Earthquake, Tsunami and Nuclear Disaster took place ten years ago, the shock reverberated from the Tohoku region across the world. The events were labelled as ‘unprecedented’, speaking to the forces of nature that defied comprehension and indicating the scale of social, cultural and human impact upon the populations in Japan and, through the impact of the Fukushima nuclear accident, beyond. While environmental disturbances are disproportionately impacting less well-resourced communities in the Global South, events such as the Triple Disaster, alongside Hurricane Katrina, Hurricane Sandy and most recently the Australian wildfires, have revealed deep underlying vulnerabilities and cracks in resilience measures even among the richest of nations.

How did a disaster like this unfold in a country like Japan, where earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanic eruptions and typhoons compose a perennial threat to daily life and where repeated disaster experiences have been embedded into the social, economic and cultural history of the country? Technological answers to this question were widely sought immediately after the disaster. Aging tsunami walls (Yamori 2013) and miscalculations in the hazard maps (Stein et al. 2012), for instance, were found to have contributed to the severity of the event and the nature of the damages, thus partly providing actionable answers to an occurrence that seemed to defy comprehension. Tragedies such as the perishing of dozens of children in the Okawa elementary school in Ishinomaki also exposed the human errors that equally contributed to the losses (Suppasri et al. 2013), leading to a heightened national consciousness toward and debate on the preparedness for potential future mega events that will emerge in the wake of 3/11.

Equally, the Triple Disaster also ignited a wave of public discourse about where Japan should go from here and reinvigorated long-standing debates about social divides and justice as well as economic sustainability in light of the new post-disaster reality. On the one hand, the disaster may have bolstered neo-conservative imaginations of national strengths and harmony (Koikari 2017, Mullins 2016). Yet, the coinciding anti-nuclear protests (Brown 2018), reinvigoration of grassroots movements (Shaw 2017), rural migration (Klien 2017) and growing reflections on happiness and well-being in 21st-century Japan (Manzenreiter and Holthus 2019) tell a story of deepening engagement with a plurality of values and desires beyond the orthodox post-war socio-economic framework of development. Not least of all, through the impact of the Fukushima nuclear accident, the Triple Disaster has also further highlighted the long-standing gaps in geographical distribution of wealth and development across Japan. Alongside these national discourses and engagement with global development trends, the disaster also promoted intense localism, with the post-disaster recovery highlighting the central role of citizens and communities along the affected coastline who were taking an active role in directing the recovery and shaping their own futures. When looking at the development across Tōhoku, and Japan as a whole, it is clear that the impact of the disaster has been profound and long-lasting.

The Triple disaster has been transformative to the communities along the disaster-affected coastline in particular, who saw their lives upended by the forces of nature and that have remained in continuous state of fluctuation through the years of post-disaster reconstruction and recovery. However, the broader attention toward these mega events is often quick to lose its momentum. As Brian Massumi noted in his Guardian piece soon after the Triple Disaster in 2011, as we follow such logic-defying events through our screens, with “a shocked-and-awed hole of horror into the fabric of the everyday” drawing in on our emotions, it very quickly “subside[s] into the background” of life, soon to be replaced by the next newsworthy event. While Massumi, in this case, primarily referred to the “half-life” of disasters in the contemporary media cycles, to a great degree academic inquiry into disaster events today follows a similar pattern. As Gomez and Hart (2013) report, the majority of research related to specific disasters typically comes out within two years of impact, with interest thereafter toward the events themselves only peaking during anniversary events. With such quickly waning attention, it is appropriate to ask to what degree the vast majority of disaster-related research has really explored the long-term impact of disasters on individuals, communities and the broader society.

Anthropological research occupies a vital role in exploring disasters as the outcome of the complex interactions between the natural and sociocultural systems, and the effects of these events thereafter (Oliver-Smith and Hoffman 2019). This online series of reflections from Tohoku’s recovery dedicates itself to introducing some of the anthropological perspectives and insights that have emerged from the Triple Disaster. While the series has of course been motivated by the ten-year anniversary that has recently passed in March, our aim is to slow down and elongate the process of reflection beyond such periodic forms of remembrance. This philosophy has guided our editorial and publication process with the papers in the series being published over several months, leading up to the 11th anniversary in 2022.

Both the individual papers and the series as a whole therefore aim to draw attention to the persistence of the condition of life in ‘the post-disaster’. As the papers in the series will reflect, despite the physical reconstruction in many places today having reached its conclusion, there is no ‘end point’ for this event. The Triple Disaster has proved itself a seminal event in the communal and personal histories of the affected populations, permanently altering the physical and social landscape within which people carry out their lives, and where the signs of lingering trauma and loss will be witnessed and remembered for decades to come. The series contains nine ethnographies, with all of the authors having spent time in Tōhoku’s disaster-affected communities, engaging with residents, new arrivals, tourists and community leaders. Their papers present a bricolage of both the conditions of fluctuation and persistence in Tōhoku’s ‘post-disaster’.

The series opens with three papers reflecting on the meaning of material culture and landscapes in the ‘post-disaster’. In July, we begin with a paper from Aliise Donnere on the destruction of a collection of Jizō statues and gravesites of the Shōtokuji Temple in rural Miyagi. She explores the process of providing care for the ancestors that too suffered in the tsunami and the meanings this can provide for the living. In August, Julia Gerster, Akiko Okubori, Yuki Sadaike and Kohei Takahara from the Disaster Debris Research Team at Tōhoku University analyse how disaster objects and buildings that remain deeply meaningful for local residents but officially fall between the categories of debris and heritage are dealt with. They outline their efforts to archive and digitise these remains together with local residents. Finally, in September, Alyne Delaney’s paper broadens the scope of the material impact of disasters to landscapes. While the emerging seawalls across the north-eastern coastline have sparked heated debate among locals and academics alike, Delayne reflects on the ‘missing mountains’ that were flattened by the disaster reconstruction, and the impact the transformation in the landscape has had on the coastal culture and communal identities.

In October, we will publish two papers by Pilvi Posio and Dunja Sharbar Dar respectively, which reflect on the role of the anthropologist in disaster settings, the process of doing ethnography in sensitive contexts, and how the researcher’s own positionality links with the subject matter at hand. In her paper, Posio reflects on gender in community recovery research in an aging rural town where recovery forums and social settings tended to be dominated by elderly men and the contrast with her own identity as a young female researcher being accompanied to her field site by her full-time househusband. Sharbar Dar’s paper focuses on the stigma brought about by the nuclear disaster in the Fukushima region and its communities, and how this stigma is shaping the ‘post-disaster’ for Fukushima’s communities. She juxtaposes these negative associations with the reactions ranging from curiosity to shock towards her own decision to carry out field work in the ‘nuclear zone’.

Through November to January, the papers in the series will explore the themes of memorialisation, heritage and recreation of the past, and the different ways in which people are recreating their communal life histories and social ties in the ‘post-disaster’. In November, Nobuko Adachi will discuss the positive impact the revitalisation of local festivals can have on disaster-affected communities. Adachi’s paper focuses on the Nomaoi cavalry ceremony in Fukushima prefecture and how the festival has been able to not only reunite local communities but also play a role in normalising the identity of Fukushima after the nuclear disaster. In December, Julia Gerster’s paper reflects on the promotion of kizuna (bonds) in the aftermath of the Triple Disaster in efforts to promote social cohesion, and how this prescribed kizuna spirit was not always positively received by local residents. In January, Flavia Fulco will discuss disaster storytelling (kataribe) activities that emerged in the post-disaster context as a way of not only remembering the past but also processing what occurred. Based on long-term fieldwork in the disaster region, this paper reflects on the development of kataribe activities and their audiences, and how these developments may have impacted the role kataribe plays in the ‘post-disaster’ era.

The final paper in the series comes from Millie Creighton in February 2022 and broadens the scope of the Triple Disaster both geographically and temporally, reflecting on the way in which local communities and Japan as a whole are trying to ‘move forward’ without forgetting the past. The paper explores the vertical effects that this ‘moving forward’ is having, discussing the complexities arising from the national aspirations for the future and the tensions they induce between the state and citizens. Our series will close with a final reflection from Anna Vainio, one of the JAWS editors, leading to the 11th anniversary in March, exploring the commonalities and complexities emerging from these monthly contributions, and the lessons that the Japanese experience can bring to the broader understanding of ‘post-disaster’ elsewhere. We hope that the collection of papers in this series will provide a worthy panorama of the diversity of research carried out in the context of Tōhoku’s long-term recovery, and highlight the contributions made by anthropologists in the field of disaster research in general.

 

Anna Vainio, Jennifer McGuire and Christopher Tso

Co-editors for the Japan Anthropology Workshop

 

 

An overview of the series publication schedule:

July 2021Washed away: A change of the image of sacred territory after 3.11. The case of Shōtokuji’s Nagare-Jizō. (Aliise Donnere, Tohoku Gakuin University)

August 2021Between debris and memorial: The meaning of disaster-affected objects for local residents after the Great East Japan Earthquake (Disaster Debris Research Group, International Research Institute for Disaster Science, Tohoku University)

September 2021Place attachment in a changed (cultural) landscape: Using visual methods to discuss complicated matters (Alyne Delaney, Centre for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University)

October 2021“He’s a sengyōshufu” – Female fieldworker’s reflections on gendered disaster recovery (Pilvi Posio, Centre for East Asian studies, University of Turku, Finland) and Waste & Wonder – Reflecting My Fieldwork in Fukushima (Dunja Sharbat Dar, Centre for Religious Studies, Ruhr University)

November 2021Reconstructing local Fukushima identity using the 700 year-old Nomaoi Samurai Festival: The impact after 3.11 and 3.20 (Nobuko Adachi, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Illinois State University)

December 2021Kizuna: Reflections on the promotion of social cohesion during the ten years of recovery (Julia Gerster, International Research Institute for Disaster Science, Tohoku University)

January 2022Kataribe, 10 years of post-disaster storytelling in Tōhoku (Flavia Fulco, International Research Institute for Disaster Science, Tohoku University)

February 20223.11 still on-going in experience and memory with questioning of government agendas (Millie Creighton, Department of Anthropology, The University of British Columbia)

March 2022Concluding remarks for the series (Anna Vainio, School of East Asian Studies, The University of Sheffield)

 

 

References:

Brown, A. J. (2018). Anti-nuclear Protest in Post-Fukushima Tokyo: Power Struggles. London and New York: Routledge.

Gomez, C. and Hart, D.E., (2013). Disaster gold rushes, sophisms and academic neocolonialism: comments on ‘Earthquake disasters and resilience in the global North’. The Geographical Journal, 179(3), pp.272-277.

Klien S. (2017). Young urban migrant in the Japanese countryside between self-realization and slow life? The quest for subjective well-being and post-materialism. In Assman S. (ed.), Sustainability in Contemporary Japan: Challenges and opportunities. London and New York: Routledge.

Koikari, M. (2019). Re-masculinizing the nation: gender, disaster, and the politics of nationalresilience in post-3.11 Japan. In Japan Forum, 31(2), pp. 143-164.

Manzenreiter, W., & Holthus, B. (Eds.). (2017). Happiness and the good life in Japan. Taylor & Francis.

Massumi B. (2011). The half-life of disaster. Guardian Opinion.
Available: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/apr/15/half-life-of-disaster (9.7.2021).

Mullins M.R. (2016) Neonationalism, Politics, and Religion in Post-disaster Japan. In Mullins M.R., Nakano K. (eds.), Disasters and Social Crisis in Contemporary Japan. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Oliver-Smith, A., & Hoffman, S. M. (Eds.). (2019). The angry earth: disaster in anthropological perspective. Routledge.

Shaw, V (2017). “We Are Already Living Together”: Race, Collective Struggle, and the reawakened Nation in Post-3/11 Japan” in Chih-ming Wang and Daniel PS Goh (Eds.), precarious Belongings: Affect and Nationalism in Asia. London and New York, Rowman & Littlefield.

Suppasri A., Shuto N., Imamura F., Koshimura S., Mas E., and Yalciner A. (2013). Lessons learned from the 2011 Great East Japan Tsunami: Performance of tsunami countermeasures, coastal buildings and tsunami evacuation in Japan. Pure Applied Geophysics, 170, pp. 993-1018.

Statista (2021). Annual number of natural disaster events globally from 2000 to 2020. Available: www.statista.com/statistics/510959/number-of-natural-disasters-events-globally/#:~:text=In%202020%2C%20there%20were%20a,to%20its%20size%20and%20susceptibility (9.7.2021)

Stein S., Geller R., and Liu M. (2012). Review Article: Why earthquake hazard maps often fail and what to do about it. Tectonophysics, 562-563, pp. 1-25.

Yamori K. (2013). A historical overview of social representation of earthquake risk in Japan: fatalism, social reform, scientific control and collaborative risk management. In Joffe H. et al. (eds.), Cities at Risk: Living with Perils in the 21st Century. Springer.

Go-aisatsu from the Secretary General 2021

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Ten years ago, the Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami and nuclear disaster was dominating news cycles around the world, with desperate imagery of chaos and uncertainty capturing our attention. The disaster sent shockwaves across the nation and beyond, igniting a host of public debates about the future of Japan while bringing new insights to long-standing … Read more

Studying Japan: Handbook of Research Designs, Fieldwork and Methods

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